Spain’s response to Ceuta should go beyond fences and fear, and turn crisis management into a new partnership with Africa.
The events unfolding in Ceuta should not be reduced to the familiar European language of invasion, emergency and border control. From a Pan-African perspective, what we are witnessing is the human consequence of a profoundly unequal economic relationship between Africa and Europe.
Spain now has an opportunity to move away from the conventional European model of engagement with Africa and learn from the partnerships developed by countries such as China, Russia, Brazil and India. These relationships are not without problems or contradictions. Nevertheless, they have generally approached African countries as political and economic partners, supported infrastructure and productive development, and recognised Africa as an emerging centre of global power rather than merely a source of raw materials, migration and insecurity.
Spain can draw lessons from these experiences while developing its own distinctive partnership with Africa, based on geographical proximity, historical connection, mutual development and respect for African sovereignty.
Young Africans do not risk their lives at sea because Europe possesses higher fences. They do so because the present international economic system has concentrated opportunity, capital and mobility on one side of the Mediterranean while denying them on the other.
Spain must, of course, protect its borders, preserve public order and ensure the safety of the people of Ceuta. No responsible African position requires Spain to surrender its sovereignty or tolerate disorder. Nevertheless, security measures alone cannot resolve what is fundamentally a question of development, dignity and economic justice.
Spain is particularly well-placed to recognise this.
Under its current government, Spain has increasingly demonstrated a willingness to distance itself from some of the harshest and most arrogant tendencies of mainstream European and North American foreign policy. It has shown greater sensitivity towards the Global South, defended international law in difficult circumstances and spoken of Africa not merely as a source of migration or insecurity, but as an equal strategic partner.
Spain’s official Africa Strategy for 2025–2028 speaks of mutual respect, shared benefit, responsible investment, youth employment and a relationship conducted “from equal to equal.” These principles deserve recognition and support. They must now be transformed from diplomatic language into economic reality.
Spain’s relationship with Africa is also distinctive. It is certainly not free from the history of colonialism, military confrontation and political inequality. No honest African analysis should conceal this. Yet Spain’s connection with Africa cannot be defined exclusively by colonialism.
Spain and Africa are geographical neighbours. They share Mediterranean and Atlantic spaces, centuries of human movement, commercial exchange and profound cultural interaction. Much of Spanish history, language, architecture, agriculture, music and identity was shaped through its relationship with North and West Africa.
Africa is therefore not a distant region lying beyond Spain’s strategic horizon. It is part of Spain’s immediate historical and geographical environment. This gives Spain an opportunity to lead Europe towards a different relationship with the continent.
The dominant Western approach has too often treated Africa through four narrow lenses: minerals, migration, terrorism and geopolitical competition. African countries are approached when their resources are required, when their votes are needed, when their young people arrive at European borders or when Western powers fear the growing influence of China, Russia and other actors.
That model has failed Africa, and it will eventually fail Europe as well.
Spain can offer another path. It can support African industrialisation rather than importing African raw materials. It can encourage joint ventures, technology transfer and local production rather than relationships based on extraction. It can invest in African agriculture, renewable energy, transport, education, digital infrastructure and manufacturing while ensuring that employment and value remain inside Africa.
It can also expand legal mobility, university exchange, vocational training and circular migration so that movement between Africa and Spain becomes organised and mutually beneficial rather than dangerous and controlled by smugglers.
Africa does not require charity. It requires investment without domination, cooperation without paternalism and trade that allows African societies to produce, manufacture and prosper.
The long-term answer to Ceuta is therefore not simply a larger wall. It is the creation of an economic space in which a young African does not have to cross a border illegally to imagine a dignified future.
At the same time, African governments must accept their own responsibilities. They must confront corruption, economic exclusion, unemployment and the failure to provide their youth with credible opportunities. Pan-Africanism cannot place every failure at the feet of Europe while exempting African elites from accountability.
Spain should reject the politics of fear that turns desperate human beings into an invading army. African states should reject the political manipulation of migration and prevent vulnerable young people from being used as instruments of diplomatic pressure.
The crisis offers Spain a choice. It can follow the conventional European response: more fear, more militarisation and more distance from Africa. Or it can remain faithful to the better principles it has recently articulated and help construct a new relationship between Europe and the African continent.
From a Pan-African perspective, Spain should be encouraged to choose the second road. But genuine leadership will not be measured by how effectively Spain closes the gate. It will be measured by whether Spain helps build a world in which fewer people are forced to knock desperately upon it.
