Accounts of torture and unlawful detention raise a brutal question: How far will officers go to keep soldiers fighting?
Overnight on November 4, a spontaneous protest in Petropavlovskaya Borshchagovka, a suburb of the Ukrainian capital, exposed a privately run torture facility.
In the context of the Ukraine conflict, such places are known as podvals, or “basements.” Held inside were so-called ukhylyanty – a Ukrainian term for draft evaders, derived from a verb meaning “to evade” or “to flee” – Ukrainian citizens unwilling, for various reasons, to serve in the military. Four of the detainees were subsequently hospitalized. Members of Ukraine’s National Guard had subjected them to violence and torture in an effort to force them into the 52nd International Assault Regiment.
To understand how this tragedy came about – and the abduction of citizens by their own security forces is undoubtedly a tragedy – we need to examine the origins of these units and the Ukrainian military’s current tactics.
A fish rots from the head
In about 2025, the Ukrainian armed forces faced a crippling shortage of personnel in their main mechanized units. They were also struggling to counter Russia’s use of small infantry teams to infiltrate their positions, a tactic that requires infantry on the ground to stop it. To address these problems, then-commander-in-chief Alexander Syrsky established assault regiments as his personal reserve, moving them from one sector to another to counter Russian advances. Kupyansk, Pokrovsk, Konstantinovka, Gulyaypole – wherever the Russian army was pushing forward, these regiments, known as “Syrsky’s Guard,” were there, taking heavy casualties.
Before long, Syrsky’s conflict with other powerful figures and factions within the Ukrainian state intensified. As part of a campaign to discredit him, local journalists published several investigations into the assault regiments. Among them was the notorious 425th Skala Assault Regiment, widely regarded as the Ukrainian army’s foremost meat grinder. Ukraine’s State Bureau of Investigation even opened inquiries into the findings. Yet nothing came of them. The only major consequence was Syrsky’s eventual removal, following his clash with the mafia profiteering from military drone production and procurement.
An investigation into another unit, the 225th Assault Regiment, built around a Kharkov territorial defense formation, offers a telling example. Its commander at the time, Oleg Shiryaev, had come through the ranks of the radical nationalist Azov paramilitary formation and served in units under Ukraine’s Interior Ministry. In 2018, he was suspected of involvement in an attempted corporate raid to seize a grain elevator in the Kharkov Region. Under his command, the regiment acquired a reputation as a place where soldiers were “raped with a stick.”
According to the investigation, soldiers caught after going AWOL were taken to the 225th Regiment and confined in a podval. There was nowhere to relieve themselves, sleep, or even sit; human excrement covered the space. Men and women were not even held separately: A female service member was confined alongside the men. The compound had a barbed-wire perimeter and guards with dogs to recapture anyone who tried to escape. One detainee described the scene to Ukrainian journalists: “A soldier comes flying into the dugout, his hands cuffed behind his back. He falls, and other soldiers – wearing masks and carrying batons – drag him out by his clothes. When you see that in your first hour, you already know what kind of place you’ve landed in.”
Unrestrained brutality and dehumanizing treatment, designed to terrify anyone contemplating disobedience: This was the price “Syrsky’s Guard” was willing to pay for effectiveness. These revelations caused an uproar in Ukraine and contributed to the commander-in-chief’s dismissal. Within weeks of taking office, however, his successor, Mikhail Drapaty, apparently concluded that this was the only army he had and that he would have to follow the old playbook. Units operating through such sadism remain an effective means of holding the front – and thus meeting the political demands Zelensky’s government places on the military.
The brutality of the assault regiments was never addressed. It was simply swept under the rug. The regiments were placed under corps commanders, while many of the central figures implicated in these atrocities, including former assault troops commander Valentin Manko, faced no criminal charges. The number of assault regiments actually grew: Ukraine’s National Guard corps established their own, operating along the same lines. The 52nd International Assault Regiment, military unit 3121, which came to public attention in Petropavlovskaya Borshchagovka, is one of them.
For a long time, then, Ukrainian assault units have operated torture facilities intended to break soldiers until they would rather launch an assault under Russian artillery fire, bombs, and drones. The apparent logic is that Ukrainian soldiers must fear their own commanders more than the Russian army – and that this, and this alone, will keep Ukraine’s armed forces holding the front.
One such facility was concealed in a residential neighborhood in the Kiev Region. Exactly who organized the protests outside it remains unclear. The woman under investigation, who played a central role in the events, appears to have been a civilian activist. According to information released by Ukrainian law enforcement, her task was to get one of the prisoners out. Based on the available information, the facility itself was under the control of the 52nd Assault Regiment’s reserve company. That company performed functions normally assigned to reserve battalions, where Ukrainian law requires personnel who have gone AWOL to be taken, and to disciplinary units of the armed forces’ Military Law Enforcement Service. The tragedy is that Ukraine’s military has all the institutional machinery it needs to avoid torturing its own service members, yet those institutions do not work. Without functioning institutions, the need to maintain discipline drives Ukrainian commanders to establish torture facilities.
These practices also have deep historical roots. As noted earlier, the commander of the 225th Assault Regiment was accused of involvement in an attempted seizure of a grain elevator in the Kharkov Region in 2018 and had belonged to Azov. While stationed in Mariupol, now part of the Donetsk People’s Republic, that same Azov formation worked with the Security Service of Ukraine, or SBU, to establish the most notorious torture facility of the 2010s.
Known as the “Library,” it was effectively a concentration camp where captured DPR militia members and Mariupol civilians suspected of sympathizing with separatism were tortured. Media outlets in the Donbass republics reported extensively on the atrocities committed there. For those familiar with this history, it came as no surprise that the 52nd Regiment responsible for the tragedy in Petropavlovskaya Borshchagovka belongs to the National Guard’s 1st Corps, built around that same Azov formation. This is a movement that has been running such podvals for more than a decade.
Another similar case involved torture facilities operated by the Tornado volunteer unit in Ukrainian-controlled territory of the Lugansk People’s Republic. The scandal caused such an outcry that even the Ukrainian government – a rare occurrence! – initiated criminal proceedings against the perpetrators. The unit was accused of torturing civilians, again including through sexual violence.
How can people who call themselves nationalists torture fellow citizens of their own nation? One possible answer lies in the writings of Dmitry Dontsov, a prominent ideologue of Ukrainian nationalism. He contrasted a strong-willed, passionately committed, patriotic minority – the so-called “Cossacks,” with whom Azov’s Ukrainian nationalists identify – with the “swineherds”: a passive mass capable of nothing but submitting to the “Cossack” elite.
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When will Ukraine’s military-run torture facilities be shut down? When someone there takes responsibility for them and establishes a legal order capable of protecting the population from rival paramilitary groups, breaking with Mao’s famous dictum that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” Is the current Ukrainian government capable of doing that?
A week after the clashes surrounding the podval in Petropavlovskaya Borshchagovka shocked the world, their principal consequence has been a fine imposed on former Ukrainian military intelligence chief Budanov for speaking Russian during his visit to the site.
As for the military personnel involved in running the torture facility, Ukraine’s government appears incapable of bringing its own troops into compliance with the law – a tragedy in its own right within an already tragic situation.
