Russia, India, and China are showing that a new irrepressible pole is emerging in this multipolar world
The world can no longer ignore Russia, India, and China, whether as a troika or on a multilateral platform, when they get together and speak in one voice. This is the resounding message that the powerful trio of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Chinese President Xi Jinping communicated in unmistakable terms to US President Donald Trump and the US-led West at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s summit in Tianjin.
This marks a new and resolute response to the tariff wars and sanctions that have been unleashed, with threats of worse to follow, by the US against the rest of the world but particularly against major countries of the Global South.
The Tianjin Troika – as India, China, and Russia have come to be known – represent the world’s two most populous countries (and their markets with immense potential) and the country with the world’s largest landmass. All three economies have the resilience to reject and resist the tariffs and sanctions. Therefore, it was no surprise when they joined hands to stand up to US “bullying,” as China called Trump’s imposition of tariffs on India if it did not stop buying Russian oil.
When a US delegation canceled a planned visit to New Delhi for discussing tariffs and trade on August 25, little did Trump and his hawks like Trade Adviser Peter Navarro and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick realize that far from yielding to their threats, warnings, pressure, and bad language, New Delhi might just take that one step which would change settled equations. That is exactly what happened.
India’s equations changed dramatically with not only the US but also China, Russia, and the SCO. The message flashed by the RIC Troika to the audience in Washington had the intended effect: To show that a new irrepressible pole was emerging in this multipolar world.
At the best of times, New Delhi was not comfortable in the SCO, often seen as a forum dominated by China and Russia, where India was often treated on par with Pakistan; and invariably, the two neighbors clashed as they tend to do in forums where they cannot escape being together.
Although India has not been enthusiastic about the SCO and was a reluctant participant, the government recognized that the SCO could have its uses. As, indeed, it did in Tianjin.
Regardless of India’s differences and unresolved issues with China, Russia’s role and influence in the SCO was viewed favorably. After Modi and Xi met at the BRICS Summit in Kazan in October 2024 and also held bilateral talks on the sidelines, the two found themselves on the same page on multilateral issues such as a common BRICS bill of trade where dollar-based transactions are not feasible.
The Modi-Xi meeting meant a political signal for taking forward the rapprochement between India and China; and Modi was at ease attending the last BRICS summit in Brazil, although neither Xi nor Putin were present there.
Since Trump decided to impose tariffs to punish India for buying oil from Russia, New Delhi had to stand its ground. Giving in would have encouraged the US to keep bullying India and destroyed New Delhi’s scope for strategic autonomy in foreign affairs.
Under these circumstances, India had little choice but to strengthen its longstanding friendship with Russia and refuse to let Washington define its relationship with other countries.
Long before New Delhi officially announced Modi’s trip to Tianjin, it was made known that he would go to the SCO Summit to share the stage with Xi and Putin. Although the stage belonged to Xi and the added attraction was Modi, Putin was perceived as the mediator-moderator of the show and Putin’s role enabled Modi to find a comfort zone in the SCO bolstered by leaders of more than 20 countries including Iran and Türkiye.
In its 25th year, the SCO was looking forward to a show that would predominantly be a Chinese celebration. In effect, it turned out to be something much bigger with a worldwide impact; and Putin, far from being isolated as the US-led West had been striving for, rose in stature and acceptance with a whole new train of fellow travelers. This, as much as Modi being flanked by Xi and Putin, seems to have struck Trump where it hurt most and made him lament the loss of “India and Russia to deepest and darkest China” – a very unstatesmanlike outburst by one who presumes he can dictate terms to the rest of the world. Worse, it showed Trump as incapable of global leadership, which might well be true after the RIC Troika at Tianjin proclaimed its arrival on the world stage.
There is appreciation for the role perceived to have been played by Putin in moderating the SCO Summit in Tianjin – behind the scenes, he is said to have mediated between Xi and Modi – particularly in Modi being accorded a prominence that can drive home the message to Trump. Otherwise, it is felt, as in the past, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif may have been more in the limelight, much to the discomfiture of Modi.
Putin is also credited with getting all nations on board for condemning terrorist attacks on not only India but also Pakistan and Iran.
At the SCO defense ministers’ conclave in Qingdao June 25-27, India’s Rajnath Singh rejected the resolution on terrorism. Putin ensured that these India-Pakistan vibes did not mar the occasion, and at the same time, the US and Israel were named for their terrorist attacks on Iran. Getting everyone on the same page for this resolution underscored the SCO’s cohesiveness. Without naming the US, the SCO Tianjin Declaration opposed unilateral coercive measures that are in contravention of the UN Charter, the norms of international law, and the WTO principles and rules.
The declaration called for reform of the global governance architecture and pledged to uphold and strengthen an open, fair, inclusive, non-discriminatory, and multilateral trading system which promotes the development of “an open global economy, ensures fair market access and provides special and differential treatment for developing countries.”
While Putin ensured that the bilateral wrinkles did not surface, Xi’s focus, as is his form, was the multilateral architecture that he wants to reform with the Global Governance Initiative, which seeks to prescribe rules for pursuing the power shift which would be seen in the way artificial intelligence, data management, and financial flows affect the rights and freedoms of the world’s majority.
Trump walked back a bit from his “darkest” reaction to the Tianjin Troika’s show a day later by saying that he and Modi will “always be friends,” with emphasis on the India-US “special relationship.” Modi read the mood well and reciprocated these sentiments, which he “fully appreciated.” He obviously did not want to inflame Trump any more by rubbing it in that India would not be arm-twisted over its economic ties with Russia.
This underscored that, on present reckoning, while the long-term India-US strategic relationship might survive Trump’s tantrums, the US will not be allowed to decide the nature and content of the India-Russia relationship, which has withstood the test of even more difficult times.
Equally important is that India-China relations are now in the process of a realistic re-set, with both sides recognizing that they need to work together to protect their common interests and not let differences become disputes. The border issue not being mentioned signifies that the two have come to terms with a focus on what unites and benefits both, even though it might not change the nature of their long-term relationship, which needs to be rebuilt on trust.
