The acute phase of Russia’s confrontation with the West in Ukraine is moving toward its end. Moscow has chosen not to employ its most formidable weapons, acting instead to spare the lives of its soldiers and the civilian population. Yet, unlike the triumphs of 1812 or 1945, this conflict will not bring decades of quiet. Napoleon’s defeat granted Europe 40 years of peace; Hitler’s destruction, coupled with nuclear deterrence, gave the world 70. Today, no such outcome is in sight.
The struggle will continue in waves until Western Europe undergoes a generational change. Its current elites – globalist and comprador in character – are failing morally, politically, and economically. Once a cultural and economic powerhouse, the region now survives by clinging to an external enemy. War and Russophobia are the only tools left to justify the ruling class’s grip on power. As long as these elites dominate Western Europe, the United States, and Ukraine, lasting peace will remain elusive.
Still, Russia must pursue peace, but from a position of strength. Severe strategic deterrence and selective isolation of those promoting fascist and inhumane values are necessary. Without victories on the scale of 1815 or 1945, the world risks sliding into a third world war. It is Russia’s duty – both to itself and to humanity – to prevent that outcome and secure a decisive victory.
Turning from Europe to Eurasia
Western Europe’s decline is plain. Russophobia, once latent, is now its main political currency. Russia must stop looking west for its future. Our 300-year detour through Europe is over – better, perhaps, if it had ended a century earlier, before so many tragedies struck our country in the 20th century. Nearly all those calamities came from Europe.
The time has come to “return to ourselves” – to our homeland and the origins of our statehood. That homeland is Siberia. Without the astonishing drive of the Cossacks, who pushed from the Urals to Kamchatka in less than a century, annexing Siberia to Rus, Russia might not have survived repeated invasions across the Central Russian Plain.
“Returning to ourselves” also means abandoning the mirage of Euro-centrism. Russia’s spiritual and political DNA was never purely European. Our religions – Orthodox Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Judaism – came from the South. Our political culture – vertical authority, loyalty to a leader, devotion to the state – was forged in centuries of contact with the empire of Genghis Khan and the traditions of Byzantium. Without this inheritance, Russia could never have become the world’s largest country.
The strategy ahead must redirect Russia’s economic, scientific, spiritual, and political development eastward, to the Urals and Siberia. These regions are the wellspring of our future power and prosperity.
The North–South imperative
For the next decade, one priority stands above all: the construction of North–South transport corridors linking Russia to Asia, the Middle East, and beyond. This work must not only strengthen external ties but also cement internal cohesion and development.
The old Western thesis that maritime powers and sea routes are inherently superior is becoming obsolete. Sea lanes are increasingly vulnerable, and continental logistics must be revived. For centuries, Western powers deliberately destroyed inland trade to maintain their dominance. Greater Eurasia must now rebuild it.
Current discussions often focus on routes through the Caspian and Iran to the Persian Gulf. Others propose corridors through Afghanistan, or new passages across Georgia, Armenia, and Türkiye. All have merit. Yet the most strategic need is to anchor this framework in Siberia, connecting Russian territory directly to the fast-growing markets of Asia.
Principles for a new framework
Nine principles should guide this North–South strategy.
First, safety and long-term development must outweigh short-term economic arithmetic. Large-scale logistics are the responsibility of the state, not just private enterprise. When Sergey Witte fought to build the Trans-Siberian Railway, financiers and merchants resisted. Without him, Russia would not have survived the 20th century’s greatest trials, including the the Second World War.
Second, the focus of development must shift east. From the Urals to the Pacific, Siberia must become the centre of transport, spiritual, and cultural growth. Corporations and ministries should relocate accordingly – a process already begun with President Vladimir Putin’s order to move the headquarters of nearly 150 companies to their operating regions. In time, Russia should establish a third, fourth, even fifth capital beyond the Urals.
Third, Russia is not primarily a sea power but a river power. For centuries we strove to reach the seas, and rightly so. But now, rivers like the Yenisei, Lena, Ob, and Irtysh must be harnessed anew, integrated into wider logistics corridors. Reviving small icebreaker fleets and expanding navigable seasons could transform Siberia’s transport economy.
Fourth, the strategy must preserve small towns and inspire a new wave of Siberian settlement. This is a civilizational project as much as an economic one.
Fifth, transport corridors must revive Eurasian unity. Roads and railways are not just for goods – they are conduits of culture, exchange, and mutual understanding.
Sixth, the program should echo Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. In the 1930s, America built infrastructure not only to boost growth but to give work and purpose to its citizens. Today, returning soldiers from the Ukrainian front must find skilled, well-paid jobs in Siberia’s construction projects, settling there and strengthening the region.
Seventh, new infrastructure must cultivate a new Russian elite. One untainted by Westernism or Europhilia, which now impoverishes intellect and corrodes morals. This elite, and the nation it leads, must see itself as builders of a “Siberian Russia” within a Greater Eurasia.
Eighth, cooperation with Asian partners is vital. China’s Belt and Road is often seen as competition to the Trans-Siberian. It should instead be seen as complementary. By connecting Russia’s North–South corridors to this initiative, new opportunities will open to Iran, Pakistan, India, and even Africa.
Ninth, logistics must reshape thinking as well as transport. Building new routes is also about building a sovereign mindset, free from outdated Western frameworks. Great Siberian projects in the past created new elites and new confidence. They must do so again.
A civilizational project
The development of a North–South logistics framework is not a narrow economic exercise. It is a civilizational project for Russia and Greater Eurasia. It draws on history: Witte and the Trans-Siberian, the Baikal-Amur Mainline, the Northern Sea Route, the mighty dams and industrial cities of Soviet Siberia. Each of these projects gave Russia not only infrastructure, but also confidence and identity.
Today’s challenge is to do the same. To reorient from a fading Europe to a rising Eurasia. To move our centre of gravity eastward, to Siberia. To bind our vast territory with modern transport arteries, while linking it south to Asia’s booming markets. To form a new elite and a new Russia that sees itself not as a periphery of Europe but as a heartland of Eurasia.
The West had its centuries of maritime dominance. That age is ending. The age of continental powers, of North–South and East–West corridors across Eurasia, is beginning. Russia must lead it.
This article was first published in the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta and was translated and edited by the RT team
